The Keys to Success Unlocking Africa’s Growth Potential  


This is an important time in Independent Africa’s political economic history. African economic performance over the past decade has been stellar, reaching levels of growth not seen in decades.

This solid performance is against the backdrop of a world economy that is now in its sixth year of crisis, with no end in sight.

During this decade-long boom for Africa, poverty rates have fallen, school enrolment has increased, infrastructure investment spending has quadrupled, exports have increased and Africa is receiving a growing share of foreign direct investment.

These positive trends come on the back of improving governance and a much sounder approach to macroeconomic management.

Africa can indeed pat itself on the back.

The question is whether we can sustain these trends, deepen them, broaden them and most importantly, take more of our people along a path of rising incomes, rising employment and better living standards.

Despite the positive trends, it is not self-evident that Africa will prosper. Whether we succeed as a continent will depend on the reforms we introduce to sustain growth and make it more inclusive.

What we do next, may significantly alter the historical trajectory of our continent.

We have to build on the growth of the past decade, and invest in industrialisation and our human capital to further expand and modernise our economies.

To do this we need a set of commitments based on a critical look at ourselves, in a world that is competitive, dynamic and constantly undergoing rapid changes – all of which we need to exploit for the benefit of Africans.

We need to unlock Africa’s growth potential and establish clearer, more effective links between decision-making and implementation and delivery.

The institutional underpinnings for sustainable growth, including education, health care and the building of accountable institutions of governance

We are Africans by birth and, also, by choice.

This is a continent that caused the world to go to war over its resources and where, as we liberated ourselves from colonial rule, our leaders made the commitment to unite in the form of the Organisation of African Unity.

We are conscious of the administrative complexity of decision-making across 54 sovereign states yet, as the example of the leaders who preceded us, we must retain the focus on improving the future for our countries and our peoples.

The world is a very different place from that experienced by African leaders in the 1960s.

We have seen the growth in different regions of the world and changes in our understanding of borders as globalisation became a reality.

As the author George Monbiot wrote, “Everything has been globalised, except our consent. Democracy alone has been confined to the nation state. It stands at the border, suitcase in hand, without a passport.”

Our perspective on economic development has to start with new approaches to sovereignty, to regional integration, to continental development, and, of course, to the position of Africa in global development.

Yet, there are issues that we must accept as essential – we cannot return to a time of macroeconomic imbalances, of unsustainable indebtedness and we must advance an agenda for peace.

We must recognise these essentials because if we do not, we will be picked off by those who are only interested in what they can extract from us, at the lowest cost, and this will leave our people impoverished.

Twenty years ago, when South African entered its democratic phase, the centres of power still rested solely in the West. Since then, we have experienced a shift in economic power to the East and more recently, to countries such as Brazil and Russia.

These are countries and regions that have identified their strengths and addressed their weaknesses to unleash their potential.

It is in understanding our position, with a determined focus on what appears to be the most difficult challenges that we can begin to focus on unleashing the potential of our continent.

We must, now, more aggressively, and with clear links between policies and implementation, place Africa first.

We cannot do this without creating stable macro-economic frameworks, investing in research and development, education and skills, health and in infrastructure. We have to build on the gains of the past decade.

Between 2000 and 2009, when the effects of the financial crisis that has beset the developed countries of Europe and North America, reached our shores, real GDP growth in sub-Saharan Africa outpaced that of most other regions of the world.

During this period, a number of African countries – notably Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique and Rwanda – experienced inflation-adjusted growth rates that were higher than Brazil, India or Russia.

African economies are not only growing, they are becoming more favourable environments for investors and for doing business.

The World Bank rates Mauritius a better place to do business than Germany, and South Africa ranks above Chile. The Bank has also found that Botswana, Tunisia, Rwanda, Ghana, Namibia and Zambia all offer a more favourable entrepreneurial environment than China.

Economic freedom – the ability to work, earn, invest and spend without interference from the state – has improved considerably over the past 10 to 15 years countries like Angola, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, Mozambique and Nigeria.

As a starting point, I want to focus on the importance of getting the politics right.

This talks to our ability to establish functioning and transparent systems of democracy and accountability. We need to be able to address, as a continent, the origins and impact of conflict and instability.

Having elected governments, including local government systems is crucial, if we hope to implement the development we require in growing capabilities and ensuring infrastructure investment.

We have to ensure the accountability of our institutions of governance in order to build the trust of our citizens, and importantly, of the global investment community.

Developing the fiscal capacity for effective taxation and budgeting regimes is a crucial aspect of the lift-off we need.

While functioning institutions of governance is an obvious requirement for growth on the continent, it is also about getting the basics such as the provision of education and health services.

While there has been a remarkable improvement in the access to basic education on the continent, the quality of public education is still generally poor.

School infrastructure is often inadequate, teachers are poorly trained, poorly paid and schools are under-resourced.

There is already some evidence that the sharp increase in school enrolment has actually negatively impacted on the quality of the teaching and learning outcomes.

Quality education requires adequate financial resources, on one hand, as well as strong partnerships with communities to hold schools accountable, on the other.

By focusing on the quality of the education outcomes, we will be able to produce the skills required for a 21st century economy.

But our education responsibilities can never be confined to the provision of only primary education.

Secondary education is grossly under-resourced. Moreover, we must invest in our institutions of higher learning to encourage research and innovation, and to prepare successive generations of engineers, accountants, scientists and managers.

One of the unfortunate legacies of our past is an over excessive reliance on knowledge produced elsewhere in the world.

Without losing sight of the big picture, we have to turn inward, and develop our human capital to expand our economic capital.

Our reliance on knowledge from abroad has been an outcome of poverty.

As we modernise our economies and the prosperity gains are spread across society, our people will increasingly gain confidence and broaden our knowledge base.

In the developed world the value of higher education is often questioned for resources expended, while in developing countries education institutions are particularly valued for the contribution they can make towards national development.

Universities in Africa have attempted to meet demands for relevance without basic alterations in academic styles, organisation, governance or for most part in curricula.

Herein lies the dilemma.

So, let me pause, and ask-what is the role of a great institution such as that of Makerere University in contributing to not only the developmental needs of Uganda, but also in the area of infrastructure such as energy, transport and ICT, for example?

Universities should provide a vision, strategy and an enabling environment that promotes the use of technology and infrastructure in universities, in particular, and society in general.

Through such access citizens are able to gain civic competence, air their views, engage in discussions and deliberations, and learn from one another, all of which provides the citizen with an enlightened understanding of government action.

Governance is the way power is exercised in managing a country, a sub-region and the continent’s economic and social resources for development.

The Internet, learning opportunities, knowledge must be brought closer to the developmental goals. We must also begin to attract the skills that we have lost back to the continent if we hope to increase employment and investment.

Many of the investments that we have made has been lost to the continent, often with innovation flourishing in more conducive settings. 

Along with education, we must strive for greatly improved health outcomes. This will demand of us to provide the requisite skills.

While Africa has made great strides in combating the burden of disease, notably HIV and AIDS, TB and Malaria, much more has to be done to address maternal mortality and infant mortality.

Our health systems across the continent are in need of a major injection of finances to produce the desired outcomes. Africa demands a significant improvement in available health skills; in health infrastructure, especially in public healthcare facilities; in strengthened systems, including cross-border systems for the acquisition and production of pharmaceuticals; and because of distance and skills distribution, pioneering approaches to IT applications in the provision of healthcare.It goes without saying that the provision of water and sanitation systems will also produce health outcomes that are significantly improved on the present.


>> Regional Integration


But, if as Africa we remain as 54 sovereign states, each with our own perspectives on how to capture all of the accoutrements of such sovereignty, and use our resources in the quest for such sovereign perfection, we are guaranteed to lose.


Global trends will pass us by, with many outside of Africa relishing in our inability to organise ourselves differently.

One of the bridges we can and must construct is that of our regional economic communities (REC).

In spite of their long existence, with notable exceptions, our RECs remain underdeveloped.

We are reminded that what we are suggesting is not out of step with the broader African Agenda.

In 1980 the OAU adopted the Lagos Plan of Action as a major step towards economic development and expansion and deeper regional and global integration.

The commitments in the Plan and the Final Act of Lagos were translated into concrete form in Abuja in June 1991 (commonly known as the Abuja Treaty).

The Lagos Plan strengthened the OAU, by providing clearer guidelines for mutual economic development among of African states.

Its stated goals were to create free trade areas, customs unions, a single market, a central bank, and at a later stage, a common currency – all of which gave greater impetus for establishing an economic and eventually monetary union.

The aim of all of this was designed to promote economic, social and cultural development, as well as African economic integration, as a means to increase self-sufficiency and indigenous change, and to create a framework for advance, mobilisation of human resources and material.

The question that begs is whether, in fact, the Abuja moment, an aspirational construct, was actually a Renaissance moment?

What is clear, is that the Abuja Treaty marked a watershed in the history of African experience with “economic community” and “integration”.

With its emphasis on the development of the continent's productive capacity as a pre-requisite for increased intra-African trade, the Treaty shifted Africa's priorities and objectives.

The aim was to develop and diversify Africa's productive base by focusing on agriculture, mining and industry so as to increase locally-produced goods and services which will later give rise to more intra-African trade flows.

To facilitate both the expansion of the productive base and increased intra-African trade, another key objective of the Treaty was the integration, rehabilitation and modernisation of the continent's infrastructural network.

We must reflect on why two decades elapsed between that Abuja moment and also revisit the models applied for the development and maintenance of RECs.

We surely cannot justify why countries should be permitted to participate in so many RECs and yet they underperform. Similarly, we should go well beyond the satisfaction of signing protocols, treaties and statements of intent.

We must now move assiduously to ensure that content develops to maximise the advantages that flow from larger, organised markets that the RECs present.

This is the other side of governance and accountability. By strengthening the RECs and holding them accountable, we will expand intra-African trade, and thus reduce the costs of doing business – especially by Africans with Africans.

The strengthened accountability chains must extend beyond the nation-states and the RECs; the system must include our three premier pan-African institutions – the African Union; the African Development Bank and the UNECA.

This is a particular moment of strong accord between the three. We must harvest the moment and advance on it for our own development.


>> Urban Policy


Part of unlocking our growth potential is to focus on urban policy. It is recognised that Africa is urbanising at a fast pace.

The rate of growth between 1990 and 2000 was 3.3 percent per annum, the highest rate in the world.

Since then, growth appears to be accelerating at an even faster pace.

The UN Habitat State of the World’s Cities Report 2008/9 recognises that virtually all of the growth in African urbanisation is into slums.

So, for many across the continent, slum life is becoming the norm.

There are worrying trends in slums, including insecure tenure, evictions or threats thereof, and generalised extortion in respect of virtually all basic services.

For the urban poor in slums, transaction costs are much higher.

This precarious existence arises from a huge policy vacuum. We are failing to adopt urban policy, and hence the unregulated and unmanaged situations have arisen.

It is argued that “the prevailing governmental attitude that urbanisation is something bad or undesirable that needs to be prevented and, failing that, reversed through effective rural development policies, leading to a refusal to provide for the “illegal” urban dwellers.

We recognise that this flows from a particular blend of national liberation ideologies that accompanied the postcolonial era in Africa – ideologies that were built on the valorisation of a “return to the land, rural lifestyles and traditional harmony”.

The consequences, at one level, are that we create poverty traps by our inaction; and at another level, we stymie economic growth.

Cities tend to act as the engines of growth with most jobs being created by small businesses in cities. These jobs arise almost purely from the effects of agglomeration.

Cities need better spatial planning, better infrastructure more fiscal resources and improved governance. We need to be able to provide the basics in the form water, electricity, roads, sanitation in order to make our cities function.

These are all labour intensive but they also enable other industries to take off.


>> Investment in 



As we do our urban planning, we have to bear in mind that our people will go where there are jobs – this means we have to develop our rural areas, as much as the cities.

This development sharpens the emphasis on infrastructure development. Infrastructure is one of the cornerstones of the African economy and it is crucial for African governments to step up their investment in this sector if poverty is to be eliminated in Africa.

Africa has undergone fundamental changes over the last decade that, in turn, has fuelled demand for infrastructure services including energy, transportation, ICT, water supply, growing agriculture and urban infrastructure.

For a regional or continental infrastructure project to be successfully implemented, it requires strategic focus with a framework that includes an investment programme, priority action plan, implementation strategies, and most importantly, it should be based on the sector priorities of the affected RECs, and the footprint states.

Closing the infrastructure deficit is vital for economic prosperity and sustainable development, much of the responsibility for the provision of infrastructure lies with governments together with the private sector to drive the transformation of the dreams to reality.

The Commission on Growth and Development’s Growth Report (“Strategies for Sustained Growth and Inclusive Development -2008”) highlighted infrastructure investment as crucial to both structural transformation and export diversification.

Adequate infrastructure is essential for productivity and growth, and transport in particular is an important driver of development.

Evidence shows that establishing road infrastructure has significantly reduced poverty in Africa and confirms a positive correlation between improved infrastructure and economic growth.

The Africa Progress Panel, has ranked infrastructure development as a key priority for the advancement of the continent, and has urged the G20 leadership to continue to give it their highest support.

However, the one area that can really slow down the recent stellar performance is the dire need for continental infrastructure.

No country or region has been able to sustainably maintain seven percent growth rates (and even above) without infrastructure backlogs being resolved.

Of all the infrastructure subsectors, that of road and rail registers amongst the largest deficit.

With current spending of US$45 billion a year, the financial gap is sizable and requires appropriate management to maximise the value of local and foreign investments.

Funding the infrastructure gap is not the sole problem – the core issues are institutional in nature.

Pouring additional funding into sectors characterised by high levels of inefficiency makes little sense.

The region needs to improve the capacity and efficiency of those institutions responsible for developing and managing infrastructure.

While the scale of the challenge varies greatly across African countries, three general strategies could help to foster institutional advancements:

·      More efficient spending; 

·       An enlarged regional approach to infrastructure

      investment, and

·      An improved regulatory framework.


Countries do not get rich by selling goods and services to themselves, but by producing goods the world needs and moving closer to the global frontiers.

What is important also is to change the composition of the exports to include manufactures. And this must also involve the increase in intra-African trade in order raise the level of trade between African countries.

In understanding the distinctive opportunities presented by the African continent, it is important that we recognise significant role of agriculture in focussing on growth but more importantly in tackling the growing threat of food insecurity.

The threat of food insecurity is a global challenge as increases to population growth and diminishing land and water resources apply increasing pressure on outputs.

Africa still has the world’s largest share of uncultivated arable land. We have the opportunity to become the world’s bread-basket – if we consider issues such as supporting infrastructure, land tenure systems and agricultural market development as urgent tasks.

Africa has great potential to raise the volume and value of its agricultural production, and to expand related business activities – especially in agro-processing – with high levels of positive outcomes; from raising rural incomes to boosting GDP growth, and creating business opportunities.

Yet, there are challenges that continue to place a drag on expanding agricultural production.

Transporting agricultural products is costly because of poor infrastructure.

It also necessitates that we are able to managing our energy requirements to ensure that we are able to expand electricity provision so that agricultural productivity is increased and produce have a longer life through cold storage chains.

It is important that we are able to understand and take advantage of our inimitable geographical position between West and East by developing and securing the continent’s coastline and ports.

The shipping lanes along our coastal waters can carry some of the burdens off our roads and rail networks.


>> The China Way


Many farmers can’t buy expensive machinery, high-yield seed, and fertilisers, because of inadequate finance systems. All of this is compounded by land tenure insecurity.

African countries have spent decades trying to jump-start agricultural production.

In the search for new approaches, many are looking for answers in China’s impressive agricultural achievements, which raised hundreds of millions of peasants from rural poverty in the past 30 years.

China’s agricultural investments and development projects in Africa are growing. How relevant is the country’s model to the continent?

The success of the Chinese model is based, in large part, on its fairly homogeneous demographics; a powerful and stable central government; well-developed public-sector institutions, infrastructure and capabilities at every level, and a long tradition of rice and wheat cultivation.

Moreover, attempts to solve agricultural challenges through “surgical” approaches – attempting to accelerating one input or other – have had limited success across Africa, mainly because input was turned into a commodity that some traded and abused as political currency.

Strong, comprehensive and integrated development and investment policies, with agricultural reform as a centrepiece, serves as a useful starting point in Africa.

It is important to bear in mind that creating durable institutions can enable more meaningful and progressively sustainable transformation.

The Chinese set out to create institutional capacity at every level and across many aspects of the agricultural value chain.

These include R&D institutes; the world’s largest and most comprehensive agricultural-extension system; credit and financing capabilities at the national, provincial, and local levels; and systems for managing seed, irrigation, production, market integration, and export support.

We can learn a lot from the Chinese, but we must be prepared to take risks and innovate through experimentation. Innovation starts with investment in research and development, but a more crucially in education.


>> Population Dividend


The development of urban infrastructure, economic infrastructure and agriculture are but parts of a much larger challenge of economic transformation.

An important aspect of unlocking our growth potential is understanding the demographics of the continent with respect to markets, availability of labour, skills and then to address challenges in these areas.

Africa has a growing youthful population.

By 2050, its working age population will exceed that of China. There is, however, no guarantee that Africa will develop.

There are no guarantees that we can develop the fundamental capabilities required for long term growth or will be able to engineer the shorter term economic transformation to put our people to work, to raise food production, to industrialise or to become part of global supply chains.

It can only happen if we make the effort to understand the challenges facing us and take responsibility for a changed future. Part of what we need is systems of measurement; I want to applaud the initiative taken by the UNECA to make statistics the foundation of its work with member states.

Getting the continent to the point where we can accurately measure what we do will be an important step to consciousness-raising.

If we fail to act collectively, the odds are that we will have millions of frustrated youth running riot, infecting the politics and the economics of development.

Employment, economic diversification and the need to industrialise.

The share of working age people in paid employment across the continent is incredibly low. The idea of jobs cannot be a hollow promise made to desperate people.

Tough as the responsibility of employment creation in our economies, we cannot avoid it – and we must increasingly talk about the challenge in polite company.

For household incomes to rise, more people have to work. A relatively small number of people are likely to get jobs in the public service or in big corporations, so we must innovate through sustainable livelihoods and beyond.

We should also campaign to draw skills, particularly skilled Africans now in the diaspora, back into African activities on the continent.

We have yet to harvest the very expensive training that so many Africans have had, on the continent, just before moving abroad.

The most recent data (2012) show that for the first time remittances have became the largest external financial source to Africa – ahead of FDI and ODA.

According to the African Development Bank, Sub-Saharan Africa received an estimated 13 percent of remittances from other African countries.

These remittances amounted to US$60.4b compared with US$56.9b in 2011, according to the World Bank.

This is a record for the third year running, following the 2009 global financial crisis.

Remittances to Africa represented 11 percent of global remittances in 2012, compared to eight percent in 2001. This estimate does not include the unrecorded flows through formal and informal channels.

The true size of remittance flows to Africa is expected to be even larger.

Remittances are an important source of revenue for some 120 million people in Africa to support consumption, education and health expenses.

The importance of remittances expressed as a share of GDP is heterogeneous across Africa.

In 2012 the average share of remittances to GDP in Africa equalled three percent.

This has been stable throughout the past decade. However, for some countries remittances represent a pillar of economic growth.

We must, therefore channel our domestic resources and increased capabilities, and harness the capital from Diaspora communities towards expansion of our economies.

The obvious question is how we can harness the power of the remittances to finance industrialisation. This is a complex, but nevertheless an unavoidable, question.

The remittances are destined for individual families but the macroeconomic impact of the scale of these flows suggests that we have a huge opportunity to harness them.

This is the gist of a paper recently published by the UNECA on the sourcing of finance to expand African opportunities.

African economies need to use the mineral wealth to invest in the infrastructure that will allow them to diversify our economies, and pay for our capability upgrade.

This means that we should re-evaluate in detail the licensing regimes that apply in the extractive interests – who benefits and why?

And how can we use the benefits of products that can be extracted only once, for the common good?

Electricity is critical for industrial development.

Access to markets through ports is critical. Electricity grids must undergird our production and value chains, and secure passage along the transportation routes that connect us to global supply chains.

Africa needs to attract parts of the global supply chains in the major manufacturing sectors.

There is no reason why we cannot grow manufacturing in textiles, clothing, plastics, processed foods and other fast moving consumer goods.

Urbanisation provides the economies of scale and markets for these goods.

There are some useful examples of exceedingly positive changes in this regard – already there are some parts of manufacturing that have become too expensive to be undertaken in countries like China, we can offer real alternatives.

Diversification, and a strategic move away from intense reliance on extractive industries, must be part of our strategy for sustainable development.


>> A Pan-African Push


Commodities will not last forever. Yes, we have to exploit them, but we must do so while expanding other capabilities and including small business in our development plans.

African demand for minerals remains incredible low; even South Africa has a demand for steel, per capita, that is just fractionally above 20 percent of the demand in China.

Our research and development, especially in respect to beneficiation, is unforgivably low.

This is one area where we require a huge Pan-African push to ensure that we can lift the yoke of colonialism that still dominates our trade patterns.

The historical experience of many resource-rich countries is that commodity sectors do foster productivity, growth, technological innovation and forward and backward linkages, provided that good institutions exist and investment is made in human capital and knowledge.

Consumer demand by Africa’s growing middle class is also an engine for growth.

According to a recent World Bank report, consumer spending accounted for more than 60 per cent of sub-Saharan Africa’s recent economic growth.

Forecasts for growth over the next five to 10 years are generally positive and may outpace the global average.

The real challenge for Africa lies in sustaining the growth process, leveraging our gains of the past decade, enabling the continent to reach its full potential and ensuring that growth is inclusive. It is encouraging that the Economist Magazine rates seven of their 10 fastest-growing economies for 2011 to 2015 as African (Ethiopia, Mozambique, Tanzania, Congo, Ghana, Zambia and Nigeria).

Total African GDP is forecast to reach US$19.3 trillion by 2050, compared with US$21.9tr for Europe at that time.

If this is realised, African GDP will comprise 80 percent of US GDP by 2050, up from a mere 20 percent in 2010.

But we must emphasise, there is no automatic route to that point – it demands hard work, strategic planning and detailed measurement.

The state can and should play an important role. Over the past two decades we have increasingly seen evidence of the progressive and generally positive role that the state has played in development.

So we should not feel constrained by those whose mantra is “shrink the state”.

The challenges confronting us demand that we focus on capable, developmental states, that continue to expand their capability and accountability; but are also confident to spawn a range of private sector activities.

The best-developed examples of this are, of course, in East Asia. But we have, now, also the successes of Brazil and China, where the state has played key catalytic roles in economic expansion.

This commitment to the continent’s modernisation was affirmed, again, in the Constitutive Act of the AU.

The Act was adopted during the Lomé Summit of the OAU on July 11, 2000 and emphasised: “Promote sustainable development at the economic, social and cultural levels as well as the integration of African economies… Co-ordinate and harmonise the policies between the existing and future regional economic communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union.”

The AU, thus, strengthened Africa’s commitment to full emancipation through economic expansion, the integration of the continent’s national economies and thereby contribute to the elimination of poverty, the removal of ignorance and the eradication of rampant disease on the continent.

In Africa there is a need now to focus and build certain capabilities.

Some of these are softer, such as the rule of law, and good and credible institutions while others are hard, such as infrastructure, education, and cities.

These require considerable investments: which in turn requires time, money, planning, leadership, and a compelling vision. Generating the necessary resources for this capability upgrade requires Africa to exploit its present comparative advantages: its land, commodities, natural beauty and in some cases the abundance of water.

In essence, the big picture has to be for us to get to a vision of rising incomes, rising employment, productivity gains, and Africa moving more higher up the value chain.

We have the development lessons from everywhere; we have a rich African history of successes and unrequited promises to draw on. We must vigorously ensure that our broad analysis and commitments are backed by determined action.

Increasingly, we have to think of a single Africa, and flatten the sovereign impediments to that single objective. It is worth reminding ourselves of our collective capability.


>> Decisions! Decisions! 



In their seminal work, “Why Nations Fail”, Acemoglu and Robinson explain the difference between extractive elites and inclusive societies.

The obvious point is that we should endeavour to construct inclusive societies.

They suggest, that “despite the vicious circle, extractive institutions can be replaced by inclusive ones. But it is neither automatic nor easy.

“A confluence of factors, in particular a critical juncture coupled with a broad coalition of those pushing for reform or other propitious existing institutions, is often necessary for a nation to make strides toward more inclusive institutions.

“In addition, some luck is key, because history always unfolds in a contingent way”.

If we read “continent” where these authors use the word “nation”, we will realise that Africa is now enjoying such a “confluence of factors,” we have high growth, we have the experience of what works and what does not, and we have the good luck of excellent commodity prices.

We need leadership, and we need a push for faster and further institutional reforms. This is our moment!

• Trevor Manuel is head of South Africa’s National Planning Commission. This article has been excerpted from the paper he presented at the 21st Joseph Mubiru Memorial Lecture in Kampala, Uganda.


November 2013
« Oct   Dec »